What are the establishment, why are we all against them and what does it mean for the future?
It used to be really easy to know what your position was in society. We all had our roles and we understood where we sat in the pecking order.
We used to talk of the three great estates, the nobles, the church and the commons. The later making up the vast majority but the power, wealth and authority resided in the first two.
Universal suffrage and the pre-eminence of the House of Commons changed the balance of power between the Lords and the Commons. The Church lost a great deal of their influence as society became more secular. The increased wealth of the merchant classes meant a blurring of the barriers between the Nobles whose wealth was mostly through land with the new wealthy who made their money through trade.
More importantly though the change in the balance of power in society was the growth of the Labour movement and the enfranchisement of the working people. The producers of wealth found that they had power, the power to withdraw Labour, the power to elect officials that understood their needs and aspirations. The Union movement and its political wing of the Labour party became a major force for good, perhaps best personified by the NHS, but found in worker’s rights, universal education and myriad improvements in the lives of ordinary men and women.
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Keir Hardy-1st Labour MP
The Post-War consensus meant that the establishment invested in the belief that the duty of Government was best exercised in trying to improve the lot of the majority . One nation Conservatism, whilst a paternalistic “we know best approach” still had at its heart a belief that the duty of the rich was to improve the lot of the poor.
That changed in the late 70’s,unions became less interested in the improvement of the whole of society and focused on the narrow band of their own membership. Union leaders were perceived as radical’s intent on causing trouble at any cost, including that of their fellow workers. Of course, much of this was a media construct promoted by the Conservative press. The winter of discontent, strikes at British Leyland, the miners’ strike that brought down Heath were all used as excuses for Thatcher’s government to bring in draconian laws to break the unions.
What changed in the work place?
Gutenberg Press
Having worked in the print and design industry for 35 years much of the struggle has been reflected in the changes that have taken place in that time. Print unions become too greedy, constant introductions of extra shift allowances, pay increases and work restrictions made it difficult for employers to grow the business. One of the reasons Thatcher targeted the print unions first was the simple expedience that working practices would be seen by many as antiquated and unreasonable and the reality that unlike coal, for instance, the non-printing of newspapers would not bring the country down. The clamp down was of course supported by the Press Barons and corporate power.
Thatcher might not have broken the print unions but she certainly put a dent in their ambitions.
However, in tandem with this change in the balance of power something more radical was happening in the print industry. The change from lead to lithographic and from film to automated plate making has massively altered the landscape of print. Like many industries modernisation and computerisation has significantly changed the industry. The drive to the bottom exacerbated by a growth in other forms of communication, the paperless office and to a smaller extent global competition has meant that many working in the industry have seen no growth in their incomes for over a decade.
So where does that leave the machine operator, the plate-maker even the salesmen and women. When I started, being a printer with your years as an apprentice meant you were regarded as artisan, a craftsman, it was a job to be proud of. By association the other people who worked in the trade were equally proud of the role they played in the industry. It was often quoted that print was an art not a science.
Now print and even design is regarded as a commodity, not given any particular regard by purchasers.
So, it’s not surprising that many of the more mature people in the industry, it is very much an ageing trade, want to go back to a time when things were better. The diminution of their place in the society’s pecking order has naturally ensured they look back on the good old days with some fondness.
When I reflect on this effect on my industry I also imagine how much more this must be felt in towns and villages where heavy industry and mining were central to peoples lives. The devastation felt in those place where generations of families had worked in the same type of jobs must have been immense.
This change to our manufacturing base because of globalisation and modernisation has created a groundswell of resentment in communities, in particular those industrial heartlands.
Whilst industry was declining the growth in the finance sector, based mainly in the South-East created a disassociation not helped by the ludicrous antics of the new super wealthy.
How has this fed into the national Zeitgeist?
Into this unease at the decline of status and income as well as the increase in unemployment amongst traditional trades came the new right. They exploited this disengagement between the working poor and the Westminster establishment, as they would term it. Harking back to a, very often mythical, time; when the UK was pre-eminent, when we could choose how we sell our fruit when we could be proud of our industrial might, appealing to a rose tinted industrial heritage. The Hard Right put the European Union at the very centre of the woes of the nation, resolutely blaming them for failing the nation.
Selectively choosing to attack Human Right legislation as some sort of Terrorist Charter, ignoring the multiple rights it confers on us all.
Making the anti-immigration debate about Syrian refugees rather than the free movement of EU citizens.
Constructing a false argument that Turkey was about to join the EU to create an anti-Islam response added by the frankly Racist press.
Folk bought the message; “taking back control” became for many the clarion call for the Brexit campaign.
Many working-class voters disenchanted by the changes to their status and indeed the aspirations they have for themselves their families and their communities chose to ignore the warnings of experts and the Government and chose instead to take a leap into the dark. To suggest that it is anything else given the complete lack of any exit strategy would be beyond ridiculous.
The campaign led by David Cameron and George Osborne was too much about the economy but ignored the very pertinent fact that many in both our traditional industrial areas and poorer rural regions don’t feel they have seen a great benefit from the economy in recent years.
Even in those areas that have been big beneficiaries of EU grants support for the Brexit campaign was strong.
Brexit was in many aspects a working-class revolution against a system that has seemingly abandoned traditional industries, done little to replace those jobs and more importantly less to restore the pride and aspirations of the workingman.
Is the New Right the solution?
Why though would anyone invest the role of anti-establishment champion in a man who is a career politician, millionaire, ex-commodity broker, public school educated member of that very establishment elite they seem to despise.
The simple reason is that he espouses a facile populist message, articulated clearly but with precisely no detail. In fact, his methodology is similar to Jeremy Corbyn who has a great technique in top line sound bites but little in the way of detail. Or indeed to Donald Trump.
Of course, the danger from the new right is greater than just the disastrous decision on the EU, UKIP are clearly a proto Fascist party.
Roger Griffin’s definition of modern fascism:
“Fascism is best defined as a revolutionary form of nationalism, one that sets out to be a political, social and ethical revolution, welding the ‘people’ into a dynamic national community under new elites infused with heroic values. The core myth that inspires this project is that only a populist, trans-class movement of purifying, cathartic national rebirth (Palingenesis) can stem the tide of decadence”
The vitriol and hate generated by the new right, in particular racist abuse, has escalated since the referendum. Friends and acquaintances, which have rarely or never been subject to racial based abuse, have been treated to the sort of verbal hate terms not heard since the late 70s.
Members of the right wing are able to express views of such complete absurdity on climate change, homosexuality, public services, the impartiality of the law and race relations almost unchallenged by the press. Indeed, the Daily Mail and Express have become mouthpieces for some of these extreme views.
It’s absurd that the legitimate fears of ordinary men and women are exploited by this populist nationalism. Yet the fact is that politics like nature hates a vacuum.
The attraction of sound bite policies laying the blame at the feet of the “elite” and the “EU” and the “Westminster Establishment” resonate with the some of those working-class people who feel betrayed by Government and the change of pace in society.
It’s easy to point to immigration and say “these people are talking our jobs”, “filling our schools”, “blocking the NHS” even though the real facts tell a very different story. Like 25% of all Doctors in the NHS being immigrants for instance.
The solution lies in simple economics and real politics.
The economic solution lies in the wise investment in areas which have been worst hit by the decline in “Traditional” Industries, not just infra structure but in new industry. For instance, developing an area of expertise in alternative energy near to a suitable University where companies would be given very substantive grants for research and development, investment and educating/training local people.
The UK needs to create a new industrial base but it is pointless trying to compete in the sorts of industries that rely on low cost labour alone. Our national expertise will need to be cutting edge technology such as the work being done on nanotechnology and graphite memory.
We can create an edge in these products and restore an amount of pride in the workplace and well as producing goods that have added value.
Real politics means a return to pragmatism over populism, understand the concerns of worried and disheartened swathes of society and offer real solutions.
Put across a message of hope for the future rather than creating a toxic atmosphere of hate, but back the message up with real solutions.
When seeing the messages of fear and loathing put across by the new right, blaming the woes of the world on the Non-British, I often consider the true generosity of the British public. When we come around to fund raisers like Comic Relief not one of those generous souls donating their hard-earned cash are thinking I wish our Government did less for the poor and needy at home or around the world.
Let’s fill that vacuum with hope not hate